Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 239: No Choice

Regarding the issue of future naval development strategy, Franz did not make an immediate decision. That would have to wait until after the end of the Near East War.

However, he quickly approved funding for the construction of ironclad warships. After all, spending several million guilders to gain the honor of the world’s first ironclad warship was politically profitable enough to make the investment worthwhile.

The newly formed New Holy Roman Empire also needed good news to boost public morale. Spending a few million guilders to build warships and buy a wave of national pride was far better than mere face-saving projects.

A voyage around the world was not something that could be accomplished in a short period of time. It would take at least a fleet of ironclad warships to create a truly awe-inspiring effect.

Franz was not a spendthrift. Until the first ironclad proved its superiority, he would not rashly build a bunch of them all at once.

Once the first generation of ironclads had been built and shipyards had gained experience, it would be easier to proceed with technological upgrades.

As for the performance issues of the early ironclads, Franz was not worried at all. If necessary, they could always be upgraded and modified in the future, perhaps even sold to the Americans during the period of the Civil War.

Not only the Americans, but there are also many major international customers. The Russians are a potential major customer, although they are a bit poor.

But Franz isn’t worried. In the future, if necessary, he could persuade the Russians to participate in joint naval research and development under the pretext of saving money.

The French did the same thing before World War I and then dragged the Russians into the same pit. While others were building dreadnoughts, these two countries didn’t catch on and ended up producing a bunch of ships that could be retired without ever being commissioned.

Therefore, competing for the honor of “the first ironclad warship” becomes even more important. The brand effect is the foundation for selling at a good price.

Staying half a step ahead in every technological innovation naturally gives the impression of having the most advanced technology.

Don’t think that politicians are very professional; in reality, most of them make decisions off the cuff. What they first weigh are interests, followed by impressions.

This is the same as selling normal products. Products with a brand bonus always sell for a higher price, while products without a brand can only be sold at street prices.

Military products obviously can’t be sold at street vendor prices. That would be a huge loss.

The weapons that Austria is currently selling to Russia have the same price as on the international market before the war, but the net profit is still no less than 30%. The enormous profit margins in the arms market are evident.

……

In the Balkan Peninsula, since Britain, France, and Austria reached an agreement on the issue of Greece in the Paris Conference, the allied forces naturally withdrew from the Kingdom of Greece.

Next door is the Principality of Montenegro, which they have to deal with, so Oliver doesn’t have the time to keep playing with the Greeks. Under the principle of agreement between great powers, the Greeks no longer have a choice.

Accepting the conditions means becoming a semi-colonial, semi-capitalist state. Under the mutual restraint of the great powers, the Kingdom of Greece can still preserve its territory without worrying about national survival; if they refuse the demands of the countries, they will immediately become history.

After subduing the Greeks, the morale of the allied forces finally recovered. Neither the British nor the Sardinian armies took the Principality of Montenegro seriously, but the Ottoman army which often clashed with Montenegro knew it was a tough nut to crack.

Major General Oliver, now Lieutenant General Oliver, was very unhappy with the Ottoman’s foot-dragging. He had just won a battle and was naturally promoted, thus securing the position of commander of the expeditionary force.

He couldn’t help but reflect on the importance of support from behind. Compared to other British military leaders, Oliver’s rise to the rank of Lieutenant General before the age of forty was enough to make many people feel ashamed.

Liaison Officer Amedeo Biavati said unhappily, “Commander, the Ottomans have refused our request for joint military action, citing the need to regain lost territory and suppress the rebellion.”

In his view, everyone was helping the Ottomans in this war, and their allies hadn’t let them down, yet the Ottoman army was the first to retreat.

However, he couldn’t blame the Ottoman government because, in the previous battle, the British and French had directly caused the destruction of the main force of the Ottoman army.

To appease the Ottomans, the governments of the two countries had promised that the Ottomans could stay out of the subsequent battles.

Oliver thought for a moment and said, “Forget it, the Principality of Montenegro is nothing much. Whether the Ottomans take part in the next battles doesn’t matter.”

Oliver said this with confidence. The British army had suffered almost no casualties in the attack on Greece, and with the addition of the Sardinian army, they now had a force of 65,000 men.

In contrast, how many troops did the enemy have? Even if the Principality of Montenegro frantically conscripted in the newly occupied territories, there were hardly any young and able-bodied men left. Unfortunately, the Ottomans had already scoured the area first.

The Principality of Montenegro could barely muster an army of 40,000, even if they recruited compatriots from among the prisoners. It remained to be seen how much fighting power they would be able to muster.

Oliver was full of confidence. He thought it was a pipe dream for this hastily assembled rabble to think they could withstand their heavy siege.

Losing a group of Ottoman cannon fodder didn’t bother Oliver. As a high-ranking officer, Lieutenant General Oliver understood politics.

The British government now hoped that the Ottoman Empire could retain some strength to guard the gateway to the Black Sea after the war.

They had already seen the strength of the Russians, and the British government did not want another Near East War. They had lost confidence in their ability to defeat the Russians completely.

Even if they won in the Balkans and Crimea, it would not be enough to bring down Russia. Continuing an offensive into Russian territory was a cost they could not afford.

Under these circumstances, they naturally had to resort to diplomatic means. The Ottoman Empire, despite its decay, was exactly what the British government felt comfortable with guarding the vital waterway because of its decay.

This required the Ottoman government to quickly regain its strength, which was obviously very difficult. After the outbreak of the Near East War, the entire Balkan Peninsula was devastated.

Since the Ottomans didn’t want to participate in the subsequent battles, Lieutenant General Oliver couldn’t force them to. Didn’t you see how the French guarded Constantinople on their own?

Now, with such heavy losses, they haven’t even made a peep about asking allies for help. Of course, this doesn’t rule out the possibility that the French are afraid of being sabotaged by their teammates.

Great powers still need credibility. Once a promise is made, it must be kept. If you keep breaking promises, eventually no one will want to engage with you, not even the British Empire could withstand that!

Without hesitation, Lieutenant General Oliver led the Anglo-Sardinian allied forces mightily into the Albanian region, ready to launch a major battle.

……

As the formidable allied forces approached, the Principality of Montenegro panicked. Unlike the Ottomans, with whom they had often clashed and no longer feared, the Montenegrins were still very wary of the British.

A sparrow may be small, but it has all its vital organs.

(TN: It means that even something physically little contains everything essential needed for life, so size alone does not determine worth or capability.)

The various departments of the Montenegrin government were still intact, fully proving that they were a nation and not just a mountain stronghold.

Prince Danilo I solemnly said, “Gentlemen, the Near East War has progressed to a point far beyond our control.

After a fierce battle, we successfully captured the Scutari Fortress and seized half of Albania, gaining the coveted seaport we had dreamed of.

Behind these glorious victories, we have also paid a heavy price: nearly 4,000 brave warriors fell on the battlefield, the war has drained our treasury, and we now owe a huge foreign debt to Austria.

Strategically, we have already gained everything we wanted. The Principality of Montenegro is exhausted and lacks the strength to continue fighting.

Now, we all need to think about how we can consolidate and hold onto the territories we already control.”

Clearly, Danilo I’s desire to fight had been exhausted, and he now sought to secure his gains.

There was no choice; the Principality of Montenegro had too little starting capital. The conquest of territories many times larger than their homeland had already pushed them beyond their limits.

For other countries, the loss of 4,000 soldiers might be just a number, but for Montenegro, it was a heavy blow, almost to the point where every family was in mourning.

Even though they knew the enemy was coming to attack, they could only passively defend. They had already done so much in the early stages and invested too much of their capital; now, Danilo I did not dare to continue.

Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Claude Delerich analyzed: “Your Highness, the assimilation of the territories we have occupied is only possible if the Russians win this war. However, how this war will end remains unclear.

The British and French have gained the upper hand in Crimea, but they can’t defeat Russia in a short time; the Russians have an advantage in the Balkans, but they can’t seem to capture Constantinople.

If the Russians lose the war, we will be in big trouble, because we will definitely face retaliation from the enemy after the war.”

Montenegro’s Supreme Commander and Army Minister Mirkov said, “We don’t need to wait for the future; according to the information we have received, the enemy is already on its way and a major battle will break out within a week.

The Greeks, who once boasted that they would share Albania with us, turned out to be so weak that they lacked even the ability to wear down the enemy’s forces.

We are about to face an attack by 65,000 British and Sardinian troops. The disparity in strength between us and the enemy is too great. This war will be a tough one.”

Despite a hint of resentment in his words, Mirkov seemed somewhat eager to try. While he was wary of the British, he was not intimidated by them.

They had fought for generations to secure an outlet to the sea and to change Montenegro’s impoverished situation. Of course, they could not simply give up the gains they had made out of fear of the enemy’s strength.

Danilo I asked, “Is it possible to resolve the issue through diplomatic means?”

As a pacifist, he sincerely did not want to continue the war. Montenegro couldn’t afford to keep fighting either. As a small country, they could only make a bold move once, and now that this move had been made, it was natural to rest.

“Your Majesty, I’m afraid that won’t work. Although the British and the French have contacted us, they haven’t shown much sincerity.

Not only do they demand that we join the allied forces and declare war on Russia, but after the war, we would also have to give up most of the gains we’ve acquired,” replied Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Claude Delerich.

Negotiating terms also depends on strength. No matter how impressive the performance of the Montenegrin army on the battlefield, it cannot hide the fact that it is not strong enough. Without strength, it’s natural that the British and French wouldn’t offer a high price.

Moreover, switching sides also comes with a price. The Russians are not easy targets. The current situation on the battlefield is at a stalemate, and victory or defeat has not yet been decided. If they choose the wrong side, they could be truly doomed.

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