Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 252: The Tsar Wants to Abolish Serfdom

January 1, 1855, marks a significant day in European history, as the “Four-Power Treaty” officially came into effect, ushering in the era of the New Vienna System on the European continent.

According to the provisions of the treaty, the nations began to fulfill their respective duties and obligations. British soldiers who had “strayed” into Serbian territory began to return home.

These British troops could have left at the beginning of the negotiations, but having spent a long time in Serbia, they did not remain idle.

Although the British government paid their living expenses, the soldiers had no extra pocket money — the bureaucrats in London would not send them their salaries.

Austria only disarmed them and didn’t restrict their personal freedom. Aside from their designated accommodations and meals, they were free to roam within a few miles, and pubs became their favorite hangout.

The Austrian government was only responsible for providing three meals a day. Any additional expenses had to be covered by the soldiers themselves. Soon the days of living off their reserves led to poverty among the British soldiers. Life without money was difficult, and it was only a matter of time before they couldn’t take it anymore.

Violating discipline? Currently, Serbia is under martial law, and getting caught could mean risking one’s life.

At the time, the area was being rebuilt and there was a shortage of manpower. To make their days a little more comfortable, many soldiers began taking part-time jobs to earn some extra money.

With the local population of young and able-bodied men severely depleted, and a serious gender imbalance, some British soldiers, having spent a long time there, ended up starting families in the region.

Having families naturally created ties to the place. In these times, travel was inconvenient, and for most, saying goodbye meant saying goodbye forever. If it weren’t for the persistent urging of the British government, they might have stayed even longer.

The Austrian government initially took in 2,183 British soldiers. By the time they left, that number had grown to 3,128, with the increase largely due to family members.

The reaction of the British cabinet to this news is one thing, but Franz was utterly bewildered when he received it.

But given the unique circumstances in Serbia, Franz understood the situation. Eligible women were supposed to marry, and with a shortage of local young men, they had to look elsewhere.

The British identity was still quite appealing in this era, at least to the local Serbs, and it had a certain appeal.

Transnational marriages were legal in Austria. As long as both parties consented and registered their marriage in a church, they were protected by law.

It wasn’t just British soldiers; many Austrian troops stationed in Serbia found themselves in similar situations. This led to some controversy within the General Staff, but eventually, under the broader context of national integration, the government gave its approval.

Preventing these unions was out of the question; Franz had enough sense to respect voluntary relationships. Why stand in the way of willing couples? It was just an extra living expense for the families of British soldiers, which the British government had to pay.

Politically, this even became a testament to the friendship between Britain and Austria, at least that’s how the British media reported it. The British cared about saving face, and the real reasons behind these developments were no longer pursued.

This was just a small episode that provided material for casual conversation at social gatherings, and it soon passed.

On the day the treaty took effect, Austria also completed a treaty exchange with the Ottoman Empire. The Ottoman Empire acknowledged its defeat and ceded the regions of Serbia, Wallachia, Moldavia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina to Austria, officially changing the territorial sovereignty of these areas.

There was no hesitation in the territorial cession; these regions were already separated by France and Russia, making them virtually useless to the Ottoman Empire even if they had retained them.

In contrast, the territorial trade between France and the Ottoman Empire led to a dispute. The French representative directly presented a loan receipt for payment, which naturally displeased the Ottomans.

The agreement was for a cash transaction, so why change now? The French didn’t see it that way. Deducting 200 million francs from the debt was, in their view, tantamount to a cash payment.

Regardless of how the Ottomans protested, the French government was determined not to pay cash but to reduce the debt instead.

The French government had no choice; they were not financially well off at the time. The war in the Near East had been costly for France, with astronomical military expenditures, and Napoleon III was similarly plagued by financial problems.

Moreover, after losing the Balkan Peninsula, the Ottoman Empire’s ability to repay its debts significantly decreased. If the debts were not reduced, it was uncertain whether these loans could be recovered at all.

Unwilling to take on this risk, capitalists urged the French government to take over the debt. To win public support, Napoleon III naturally agreed.

Despite the controversy, it did not affect the implementation of the treaty. International loans are often oppressive contracts, and soon the French found a clause in the loan agreement that justified their actions legally, forcing the Ottomans to reluctantly accept the situation.

With the treaty fully enforced and the New Vienna System established, the dark clouds of war that had loomed over the European continent dissipated.

……

St. Petersburg

Celebrations of this great victory filled every street and alley, but this did not include the upper echelons of the Russian government. They were well aware of how much this victory was exaggerated.

If it hadn’t been for the sudden epidemic that shattered the French’s morale, it’s likely that the Russian army would still be battling in Constantinople at this moment.

In the Winter Palace, Nicholas I roared, “How can the great Russian Empire not even muster a bit of pension for the war’s aftermath?”

Although the spoils were not valuable, a victory had been won, and surely some compensation was due for the numerous dead. Those who survived deserved some reward; if not promotions or titles, at least some monetary bonus was in order!

If these matters were not handled well, who would be willing to risk their lives for the Tsar next time?

The Finance Minister, Vronchenko, replied with a wry smile, “Your Majesty, the casualties of this war have been enormous, and Constantinople requires reconstruction. The government’s finances have long been in deficit. To come up with hundreds of millions of rubles all at once is truly too difficult.”

Constantinople must be rebuilt; it’s a dual demand of politics and religion. Even if they have to smash the cauldrons and sell the iron, the Russian government has no choice but to grit its teeth and do it.

Post-war pensions and bonuses must also be issued; both are equally important. This is undoubtedly a test for Russian finances.

The Russians must be thankful that the plague ended the war prematurely. Had it dragged on for another year or so, even selling everything they had wouldn’t have raised enough money.

Nicholas I sternly reprimanded, “If there’s no money, find a way. There’s no need to remind me of the financial difficulties. The task of the Finance Ministry now is to find a solution to this financial crisis.

No matter what, the post-war pensions must be distributed, and the funds for rebuilding Constantinople must also be raised.”

“Your Majesty, the best solution now is to raise donations from the private sector for the reconstruction of Constantinople. If that fails, we may have no choice but to raise taxes.

Since the government is short of funds, we can try to avoid giving cash as post-war rewards. For instance, we could grant the soldiers and their families the status of free citizens.

We could also follow the Austrian example by granting lands to ordinary soldiers based on their merits, thus reducing financial expenditure,” replied Vronchenko.

In the Russian Empire, serfs could escape their status by serving in the Tsar’s army and earning military distinctions, thereby becoming free citizens.

However, this path was very narrow. Serfs were the private property of the nobility, and the Tsar couldn’t arbitrarily deprive them of their property. Granting free citizenship also meant compensating the serfs’ masters.

Vronchenko’s suggestion now was undoubtedly eyeing the lands of the newly occupied territories. Regardless, the lands in Bulgaria were more fertile than most parts of the Russian Empire.

These lands are also a form of wealth that can be used to negotiate with the nobility. Since serfs do not own private property, awarding lands to soldiers is essentially like awarding lands to the soldiers’ masters.

Since everyone benefits, granting these serf soldiers the status of free citizens becomes unproblematic, and it also justifies the government in imposing taxes for the reconstruction of Constantinople.

This approach is predicated on the victory in the Near East War. Otherwise, granting so many soldiers free citizen status would likely not be so easily accepted by the nobility.

Emancipating serfs is not an easy task. As Finance Minister, Vronchenko did not dare to directly propose emancipation, but instead used a roundabout method, taking advantage of post-war rewards to free a portion of the serfs.

Nicholas I is no fool and quickly understood Vronchenko’s intention. The number of Russian soldiers who took part in the Near East War was nearly two million.

Most of these soldiers were of serf origin, and turning them and their families into free citizens would undoubtedly be the beginning of the end for serfdom.

Nicholas I was acutely aware of the harms of serfdom. Had the resistance not been so formidable, he would have already taken action.

The outbreak of the Near East War exposed the Russian elite to the power of capitalist nations, making them realize the necessity of abolishing serfdom to catch up.

Taking advantage of the victory to grant rewards in this manner was highly feasible. Even if this trial failed, the government had not directly announced the abolition of serfdom, so there was still room for easing tensions with the nobility.

After thinking through all of this, Nicholas I nodded in agreement with Vronchenko’s plan.

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