Holy Roman Empire

The Prussian army’s attempt to break the deadlock on the southwestern front did not disrupt the Russian government’s strategic layout. Marshal Ivanov continued to follow the original strategy.

In a war involving millions of troops, gains and losses on localized battlefields were no longer of paramount importance.

As long as the southwestern front did not totally collapse, everything remained within acceptable limits for the Russian government. They had a more critical objective—Smolensk.

No matter how well-prepared the Prussian forces were, war inevitably demanded sacrifices.

Smolensk had turned into a meat grinder, where no fewer than a thousand men fell each day. The brutal casualties were an immense trial for both the Russian and Prussian armies.

After a month of fighting for Smolensk, Russian casualties had already exceeded 100,000. The defending Prussian forces fared little better, suffering over 70,000 casualties.

Half of these casualties were either killed or permanently disabled, forced to leave the battlefield forever. Both sides had paid a staggering price.

The cold numbers on the battle reports did not shake Marshal Ivanov’s resolve. Instead, they further reinforced his judgment.

A war of attrition was the cruellest, yet also the most reliable approach. Based on the current trajectory, the first to break under pressure would not be Russia.

While Marshal Ivanov could accept these heavy losses, others within the Russian government could not. The appalling casualty figures inevitably sparked doubts and criticism back in St. Petersburg.

At a high-level government meeting in the Winter Palace.

The Minister of Internal Affairs, Mikhail, was the first to speak out, “Marshal, in just over a month since the war began, we’ve already suffered over a hundred thousand casualties, and the frontlines have barely advanced. Don’t you think you owe us an explanation?”

Marshal Ivanov remained unfazed, “Minister, to be precise, from the beginning of the war until now, we have suffered 65,863 dead and 97,684 wounded.

Oh, and that’s based on data from two days ago. By now, these numbers have undoubtedly increased. The total casualties this month will certainly surpass the 200,000 mark, there’s no doubt about it.

However, you can’t focus only on our losses. The enemy’s casualties are equally significant. According to our estimates, the Prussian fatalities are nearing 60,000 as well.”

The heavily inflated victory at Kamin had contributed nearly a quarter of that figure, narrowing the casualty exchange ratio between the two sides.

The Minister of Finance, Kristianval, interjected, “Marshal, no one is denying your achievements. The problem is that our losses are simply too great and the war has only been going on for just over a month!”

Ivanov sneered, “There’s no such thing as a war without casualties. As long as victory is achieved, any sacrifice is worth it. Of course, if you want to end this war quickly, it’s not impossible. But the damage to our international reputation would be catastrophic.”

At this point, Ivanov’s patience with these politicians had run thin. Even in such a critical moment, they were still squabbling over power and prestige. Without holding back, Ivanov made no effort to spare their egos.

Whether it was genuine dissatisfaction or merely a performance for the Tsar, that’s a question open to interpretation.

The Minister of Finance, Kristianval, asked excitedly, “What method? As long as it ends this war, our international reputation can be repaired over time.”

It wasn’t that Kristianval didn’t care about international reputation, it was just that Russia’s standing in Europe was already at rock bottom. Things couldn’t possibly get much worse.

Everyone turned their gaze to Ivanov, eagerly awaiting his answer.

After a brief pause, Ivanov spoke with deliberate nonchalance, “It’s very simple. We can imitate the Tatars and send troops into enemy territory to wreak havoc, and cripple their war potential to the maximum extent.”

The room fell silent as everyone gasped in shock. This wasn’t mere “havoc”—it was thinly veiled mass slaughter.

The Foreign Minister, Chris Basham, quickly objected, “No, absolutely not! Doing so would give Britain and France the perfect excuse to intervene in this war. Even Austria might turn against us.”

It was the 19th century now, and such widespread massacres were no longer acceptable on the European continent.

From the looks in everyone’s eyes, Ivanov could tell that no one supported this plan. It wasn’t that they didn’t want to, it was that they didn’t dare. Russia simply couldn’t afford the consequences of such actions. ṜàℕöβËs

Ivanov sighed and said, “If that’s the case, then we’ll have to scale it back—just sabotage, no killing civilians.”

Even Ivanov himself didn’t believe what he was saying. The idea of conducting sabotage without killing was purely idealistic.

In actual operations, the enemy would certainly resist. Once conflict erupted, how could there not be bloodshed? On the battlefield, with soldiers driven to a frenzy, it was impossible to control the discipline of the Russian army.

Moreover, Ivanov planned to send Cossack cavalry to execute this strategy, making the situation even more unpredictable.

Alexander II shook his head and gave his opinion, “Not killing is impossible. However, we must be selective. Eliminate the young and able-bodied, but leave the elderly and weak behind. This will at least provide a veneer of justification for the international community.

Tell me about your plan. The enemy isn’t stupid—penetrating deep into enemy territory alone isn’t that simple. If the enemy manages to get a hold of us, we’ll be in big trouble.”

Alexander II no longer cared about reputation. Since they were already at war, it made sense to weaken the enemy as much as possible. If not for concerns about European diplomatic backlash, he wouldn’t have hesitated to order a massacre.

Ivanov laid out his plan, “Your Majesty, this operation will involve both land and sea forces. On land, Cossack cavalry will disguise themselves as bandits, crossing the border to wreak havoc and destruction.

At sea, we’ll launch raids similar to those in the previous war, but this time with special considerations. To avoid diplomatic complications, some of our forces might need to disguise themselves as pirates.

We can issue letters of marque to private militias, encouraging them to raid enemy coastal regions. If we can attract real pirates to participate, even better.

Considering the Austrian government’s stance, any hostages captured by these pirates can be sold to Austrian colonial merchants.”

Mercy has no place in warfare. To win this war, Ivanov had already abandoned all moral restraint.

After weighing the pros and cons, the room fell into a heavy silence. No one openly supported the plan, nor did anyone voice opposition. Clearly, these men were all seasoned bureaucrats, skilled at avoiding responsibility when it mattered most.

Alexander II glared at the assembly and demanded, “Why is everyone suddenly mute? Whether you support or oppose it, I want a clear stance today.”

After a brief pause, he added, “If you oppose it, then present a better plan. The situation on the battlefield is dire, and we don’t have time to waste.”

With no alternative, Finance Minister Kristianval stepped forward, “Your Majesty, Marshal Ivanov’s proposal is sound, but some details need refinement. Infiltrating enemy territory isn’t easy. How do we ensure the safety of the troops we send?”

He had effectively agreed. What else could he do? Kristianval wasn’t a military strategist and expecting him to produce a battle plan was simply unrealistic.

Ivanov confidently replied, “That’s simple. On the frontlines, we’ve already pinned down the enemy’s main forces. The troops left behind in their rear won’t pose a significant threat.

Moreover, we have airship reconnaissance to track major enemy troop movements and make adjustments in real time.

The sea and land raiding units won’t venture too far into enemy territory. We’re not there to occupy land, only to cause destruction and retreat before enemy reinforcements arrive.

On land, the operations will rely mainly on the Cossack cavalry, who are fast and mobile. The only real threat to them is the Polish cavalry, but their numbers are too limited to make a difference.

Due to logistical constraints, we’ll limit our operational range and stay within supporting distance of our main forces.”

Of course, this was all theoretical. In actual combat, things would never go so smoothly. For one, if the Prussian army operated at night, airships wouldn’t be able to detect them.

Even if troop movements were detected, high-altitude reconnaissance couldn’t distinguish between main forces and decoys. The Prussians could easily disguise civilians in military uniforms to mislead them.

Of course, Marshal Ivanov wouldn’t voice these concerns, or else it would just cause more trouble. He had absolutely no expectations regarding his colleagues’ military competence.

…

Ivanov breathed a sigh of relief after the resolution was passed. Once this plan was set in motion, it would undoubtedly result in rivers of blood. The reputation of the Russian Empire would plummet to new lows.

No matter how they tried to justify or embellish it, this would forever remain a dark chapter in history.

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