Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 690: World-Shaking Plot

Franz’s decision marked the end of the honeymoon period between Austria and Britain. In the years to come, conflicts between the two nations are bound to increase.

This world is vast, vast enough to sustain billions of people. Yet it is also small, so small that it cannot accommodate two hegemons.

If the world cannot contain two hegemons, how could the European continent?

With Austria’s revival, a clash of interests with Britain is only a matter of time. Even without the Russo-Prussian War, the two countries would have found themselves on opposing sides elsewhere.

Before the opening of the Suez Canal, Franz might have had reason to fear Britain. But now things are different. Austria’s navy can directly enter the Arabian Sea, with colonies along the way to support its operations.

If Anglo-Austrian relations truly break down, Austria could adopt a strategy of mutual destruction, driving the British out of Africa and extending the flames of war to the Indian Ocean.

India’s significance to Britain is evident from its productivity, nearly rivaling that of the British Isles.

Of course, this parity is limited to economic output. One is based on agriculture, the other on industry. The two were completely incomparable.

This “most dazzling jewel in the British Empire’s crown” is beyond Austria’s grasp. However, Austria does have the capability to overturn the chessboard entirely.

Of course, “overturning the chessboard” is a last resort. If it comes to that, Austria would also suffer greatly.

Colonizing the Americas is out of the question, and even holding onto colonies in Southeast Asia is uncertain. Losing the majority of overseas markets would leave Austria struggling to recover for decades.

And that’s the optimistic scenario. If the British lose their minds and the Royal Navy’s main fleet charges out recklessly, relentlessly pursuing and crushing the Austrian navy, Franz would have every reason to lament.

From a rational perspective, the chances of such a scenario are very low. The British are wary of a French sneak attack on their homeland, just as Austria fears that France might cut off connections between its mainland and its African colonies.

Austria’s strength is built on the integration of its mainland and colonies. If that connection were severed, Austria’s situation wouldn’t be much better than the blockade the German Empire faced in the original timeline.

Chief of Staff Albrecht proposed, “Gentlemen, given the current complex situation, we must expand the navy.

If Britain suffers setbacks in the Russo-Prussian War, the British government will undoubtedly seek to recover elsewhere. Future international conflicts will inevitably escalate, greatly increasing pressure on the navy.

The French also remain a cause for concern. Since Napoleon IV’s ascension, the French government’s enthusiasm for international affairs has significantly waned.

In recent years, it could be attributed to internal political struggles within the French government, leaving them no time to focus on international matters. Now that Napoleon IV has stabilized the government, their lack of action is unusual.”

The absence of the French has indeed been unsettling. Previously, with France in the spotlight drawing attention as the “Mediterranean Empire” that dominated Europe, Austria’s ambitions were kept in check.

But as the French government went quiet, Austria had to step up and directly contend with Britain. Whether it’s the “Guano War” in South America or the Russo-Prussian War in Europe, these are all arenas of Anglo-Austrian rivalry, with France merely playing a secondary role.

In this era of survival of the fittest, there’s nothing that can’t be resolved through force. When the pressure mounts, expand the military. Once the strength is in place, the problem is solved.

Finance Minister Karl objected, “That won’t work, at least not until the Tripartite Alliance expires. We must uphold the spirit of the agreement.”

The “spirit of the agreement” was almost laughable. It’s likely that Britain, France, and Austria never truly took it seriously. At best, it served as a comforting notion.

Precisely because such spirit was lacking, it became particularly cherished and frequently mentioned.

The absence of violations wasn’t due to a strong sense of “spirit of the agreement” but rather because breaking the agreement wasn’t worth it. As long as the shared interests of the three nations outweighed their conflicts, there was no reason for any breaches.

The “Anglo-French-Austrian Alliance” had already been renewed once. Judging by the current situation, it seemed unlikely there would be a third alliance.

However, nothing was certain. The international situation was ever-changing, and no one could predict what might happen in the future. Tearing up the alliance rashly would undoubtedly be unwise, as it would narrow diplomatic options.

Franz nodded in agreement and stated, “The alliance still has six months until it expires. If a renewal is considered, we can renegotiate the naval proportions among the three nations at that time.

Expanding the navy is inevitable, but there’s no need to rush. Let the Navy Ministry prepare a plan, and we’ll include it in the budget for the year after next.”

Expanding the military has never been a simple matter, especially when it comes to the navy. It requires a comprehensive consideration of many factors.

Unless it’s during an arms race, naval expansion in peacetime typically takes years of discussion. This isn’t due to government inefficiency, it’s mainly because of budgeting.

The government’s annual fiscal budget is planned in advance. If there’s a sudden proposal for military expansion, where would the money come from? It’s not wartime, so everything has to follow the rules.

If they had known that one probe would accelerate Austria’s military expansion and trigger a subsequent arms race, the British government likely wouldn’t have made a move in the first place.

As for future consequences that have yet to unfold, Prime Minister Benjamin doesn’t need to worry about them for now. But the ongoing Russo-Prussian War is already giving him headaches.

“How can we ensure that the Prussian-Polish Federation wins this war?” This is a monumental challenge. Land warfare is different from naval battles. No matter how much the British government wants to help, they can’t intervene directly.

The British Army is smaller than the monthly casualties in the Russo-Prussian War so sending troops is completely out of the question. Once again, the British government finds itself realizing just how difficult it is to meddle in continental European affairs without a proxy force.

Foreign Secretary Edward advised, “Prime Minister, the Prussian-Polish Federation isn’t short on supplies or troops. The situation isn’t as dire as we imagine.

At least for this year, they won’t face defeat. Winter is fast approaching, and the pace of military operations will inevitably slow down.

This is the opportunity. Planning a second anti-Russian alliance is now imperative. Austria is supporting the Russians, and relying solely on the strength of the Prussian-Polish Federation will make it very difficult to win this war.”

Benjamin asked in confusion, “Isn’t the Foreign Office already working on this?”

Edward explained, “The French are stirring up trouble in Annam, destabilizing the southern frontier of the Far Eastern Empire, so they have no capacity to contain the Russians.

The Ottoman Empire is eager for revenge against the Russians, but they’re apprehensive about Austria’s response and would need us to guarantee their safety, which also requires French involvement.

The Foreign Office has managed to persuade the three Central Asian states, but their strength is limited. Seeing the Prussian-Polish Federation at a disadvantage on the battlefield, they are hesitant to commit so early.

We’ve already sounded out the French government but convincing them is proving extremely difficult. The best approach now is to find a European ally for the Prussian-Polish Federation.”

Prime Minister Benjamin was startled and asked, “You mean the German Federal Empire?”

He immediately rejected the idea, “No, that won’t work. The Germans are certainly strong, but there are too many internal states, and Hanover is only barely holding things together.

If we push them to go to war with Russia for the Prussian-Polish Federation, those small states in their federation would revolt in no time.

You should understand Austria’s role in this dynamic. If we mismanage things, instead of helping, we could end up destabilizing the German Federal Empire itself, which would be disastrous.”

The German Federal Empire is a key piece in Britain’s strategy on the European continent. Its primary role is to block Austria from unifying the German territories. To this end, the British government even promoted the Rhineland Agreement. It cannot be carelessly sacrificed.

Edward laughed and said, “Of course, directly getting the Germans to join the war is impossible. But what if the Prussian-Polish Federation joined the German Federal Empire instead?”

If this news were to spread, it would shake the entire European continent, effectively overturning the existing international order.

The merging of the German Federal Empire and the Prussian-Polish Federation is not as simple as 1 + 1 = 2. The two would complement each other, filling in each other’s shortcomings. This would mean the rise of another top-tier power, rivaling Britain, France, and Austria.

Although this new empire might be slightly weaker than the three great powers, its comprehensive national strength would surpass that of the Russian Empire, making victory in the current war almost certain.

The key issue is that such a merger would fundamentally alter the balance of power in Europe. Austria’s strategy for German unification would be shattered, and France’s ambitions to expand eastward would also be thwarted.

Prime Minister Benjamin shook his head, saying, “That’s impossible. Austria would never allow it. The Austrian government would undoubtedly intervene militarily unless you can ensure that France keeps them in check.

But for the French, this would also be a lose-lose situation. At that point, the French government would likely choose to ally with Austria to carve up Central Europe together.”

When it comes to interests, competitors and allies can easily switch roles. France and Austria have a history of cooperation, and there’s no guarantee they wouldn’t collaborate a second time.

Edward replied firmly, “Where there’s a will, there’s a way. The strength of France and Austria is growing too fast. If this continues, one of them will eventually have the power to threaten us.

If they were to truly join forces to divide Central Europe, a war between France and Austria would soon follow. German nationalists would never tolerate French rule over German territories.

If we handle this well, both France and Austria could be severely weakened, and the European situation would return to balance.”

This is both a conspiracy and an open ploy. Nationalism is a double-edged sword capable of harming the enemy, but also of wounding oneself.

Benjamin asked again, “After the Prussian-Polish Federation merges with Germany, how will the issue of hierarchy be resolved?”

This is the most practical concern. The Prussian-Polish Federation, being the stronger entity, would certainly not want to be subordinate. Similarly, the German Federal Empire, already having an emperor, would not be willing to yield.

Edward replied, “There would be no hierarchy. They would continue the imperial election system of the Holy Roman Empire. Given the current circumstances, the Prussian-Polish Federation would need to make concessions, such as forgoing their bid for the imperial throne.

We do not need a strong centralized empire in Central Europe. The merged German Federal Empire should ideally remain a loosely connected confederation with moderate strength.

A structure where the central authority is weak, the constituent states are strong, and the nation is unable to fully integrate… This kind of political system is more conducive to European stability.

Only a country like this would be acceptable to both France and Austria. There’s no need to worry about the Prussian government rejecting the plan, they have no other choice.”

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